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Dreamin', Aref Assaf July 16, 2007

So President Bush finally recognizes the urgent need to address the
Palestine-Israel conflict. His "vision" of an independent Palestine state, first
articulated in 2002, we are told, will be at the center of a major international
peace conference to be held in the fall. In 2002, the President essentially said
that Arafat was not a partner for peace. In 2007, the President says that Hamas
is not a partner for peace. How much has taken place in the intervening years
since 2002, and yet the President's eyes remain shut!? Only the Palestinians must
change; Israel is asked to only 'ease' the misery of the Palestinians.
However, if ‘better-late-than-never’ guides our hopes even for moments, then
we are able to conclude that the President is finally moving somewhat toward
restarting the peace process. Since 2000, the United States has made no credible
effort to make parties adhere to the "Roadmap for Peace". In fact, as the
Palestinian society reached a point of total breakdown, the US turned a blind
eye to Israel’s continued brutal treatment of the Palestinians, ignored its
expansion of settlements on expropriated lands, and, above all, consequently
delegitimized all moderate forces in Palestine and Israel.
But there is hope. Historically, many American lame duck presidents have a
moment in which they can harmlessly bypass the Israeli lobby and endeavor to do
the moral thing in the Middle East. President Clinton took advantage of this
moment and worked so hard to bridge the differences between the Palestinians and
the Israelis. I believe Bush stands a rare chance to do the same now and we
support his ambitions.
But if breaking up the Palestinian people is his ultimate game plan - as Israel
would like to see, the whole initiative will not only fail but it will
immeasurably exacerbate the already volatile atmosphere. Bush’s recent speech, I
would argue, was more about isolating Hamas than making peace. By extending
economic aid to Fatah, the President is hoping to undermine Hamas’s political
status through providing for Palestinian economic needs. This is a conspiracy to
isolate Hamas by strengthening Abbas’s Fatah. In so doing, the United States is
now engaged in an all out discriminatory and shortsighted policy which will
beget serious ramifications upon our perceived role as a neutral mediator in the
conflict. This policy will deter other moderate Arab states from appearing to
give license to the US to starve off a large segment of the Palestinian people.
Hamas political reserve and its political currency are steeped in the
Palestinian national narrative and without whom no lasting peace can be
achieved.
Unfortunately, with the seemingly irreconcilable differences between Fatah and
Hamas, and Bush's strategy of only supporting Fatah and excluding Hamas, this
“feed-and-starve” policy will impede genuine peace because it does not address
the true essential cause of the conflict, namely the 40-year-old Israeli
occupation. Importantly, Hamas is widely favored by the Palestinian people and
their recent clean landslide electoral victory was a testament to its
popularity. Bush’s anti-Hamas strategy, even if it leads to some major
agreements between Abbas and Israel, will not engender the much needed
Palestinian popular support. It simply is an act of political suicide to think
that Abbas can deliver the Palestinian people without the endorsement and equal
participation of Hamas. Instead of two states west of the River Jordan
(Palestine and Israel), Bush’s isolationist policy towards Hamas will produce a
third and miserly hostile ‘state’ in Gaza- a prospect not beneficial to the
Palestinians, the Israelis, the Egyptians or the United States.
We must found ways to reincorporate Hamas into the political landscape, and
history is on our side only if Bush will learn from it. In 1948, when Israel was
created, its most active terrorist groups such as Lehi and Stern were merged
into the new Israeli government, with almost no opposition by world powers. It
was controversial and difficult, particularly for the British, to simply
overlook and forget about the horrific assassinations, bombings, and terror
campaigns by these gangs. I believe our President in the remainder of his
presidency and in light of his off-course adventures in Iraq, can, and should be
able to “move on" as well. He needs to recognize and address the legitimate and
real grievances that fuels Hamas: forty years of Israeli military occupation,
the dispossession of the Palestinian people, their yearning for freedom from
wont and from foregin control. The fact is that, as the occupying power, the
onus for resolving the conflict rests primarily upon Israel, not the
Palestinians. Just as occupation and repression can never justify terrorism,
neither can terrorism justify occupation and repression.
Bush could begin to finally act on our behalf as American people, rather than
see the conflict only through the prism of the anti-American Israeli lobby. It
is our President who is at a moral and historical crossroad; he feels the
burden of how history will look at his reign and he sincerely wants his legacy
to eclipse Iraq’s quagmire. To do so, Bush must recognize that the real cause of
instability and insecurity in the region is Israel’s military occupation - the
end of which will give credible chance to a genuine peace and for his dream of a
Palestine State to come true. Eleanor Roosevelt once said, “Justice cannot be for
one side alone. It must be for both sides.” A Palestine state, sovereign and
truly independent, is in the best national and strategic interests of the United
States. Working towards this goal will irrefutably demonstrate America's
commitment to justice and fairness. Sadly, Israel's lobby in Washington will
always hide this fact from this and future Presidents of the United States. Aref
Assaf, PhD
See my other commentary on
starving the Palestinians as a foregin policy
See my piece on Bush's use of
Israel as
an example for Iraq to follow
Read
the
text of the President's speech on the Middle East
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